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July 1995
Editorial: Community Versus Property

By Martin Rowe

 


On Tuesday May 30, about 200 NYPD police officers, many dressed in riot gear, carrying clubs and mace, watched by rooftop sharp shooters and circling helicopters — led by a 50,000 pound armored personnel carrier — entered 13th Street between avenues A and B of the Lower East Side of Manhattan. Their mission was to evict approximately 30 squatters from two buildings that had been occupied for more than a decade.

This may seem an unusually large show of force simply to evict squatters. But the latter sensed an imminent attack and had not only welded themselves into their buildings and apartments, but had erected large barricades of dumpsters, an overturned car, garbage, and broken furniture and bicycles. Those who were there described a surreal scene straight out of an urban war zone as the tank smashed through the barricades to give access to the police. Subsequently, all thirty-one of the street supporters were arrested for disorderly conduct and resisting arrest. Wielding battering-rams, the police smashed their way into the buildings and apartments, and cleared them of the people who lived there, often persuading them to leave by resting machine-gun barrels against their temples.

Why was the perceived threat of the squatters such that a force not seen on the streets since the riots following Martin Luther King’s assassination was needed? Along with erecting barricades, the squatters offered only non-violent resistance, linking arms and going limp when physically removed by the police from the site. What crime had they committed? Well, technically they were “illegally” occupying buildings owned by the City.

Under the ownership of the City, however, not a dime of investment was put into the buildings and they were allowed to crumble.

As far back as the late 1970s and throughout the 1980s, people had been moving into these abandoned buildings and effectively rebuilding them through their own effort and finances. In some cases, this was an enormous undertaking considering that frequently the City had done as much as possible to prohibit homeless people and others from “illegally” occupying the buildings. The City had removed stairways, radiators and boilers, driven holes through roofs, and ripped out plumbing and electrical wiring until only the shells of buildings remained. Over the years, these urban homesteaders rebuilt the stairs, fixed the leaking roofs, and replaced plumbing and wiring to create livable dwellings. Groups of people often pooled their financial resources and skills to heat the building. Many of the “illegally” occupied buildings resembled communes, with people cooking for each other, taking care of each other’s kids, and generally looking out for each other. After restoration, these new buildings replaced crack houses and dens of thieves and prostitution with viable communities, clearing up one of the most notorious streets on the Lower East Side.

In an era when we are being told to contribute to country and community, it would be hard to find people more committed to the idea of community than the “illegal” residents of the Lower East Side. Not only had they made many of the streets safer and eased the City’s housing shortage by renovating residences at zero cost to the City, but many were involved with community organizing, recycling efforts, gardening, and a few even ran a community bikeshop. This involved repairing old bicycles and reusing old bike parts, and teaching kids bicycle mechanics so that someday they may build their own. In the eight years that this shop existed it provided close to a thousand bicycles to underprivileged children who could not afford new ones. That bikeshop epitomized everything that is good for the City, yet the City still wanted it eliminated. Why? Why these squatters in this part of the City when there are hundreds if not thousands of squatters throughout the Lower East Side, the Bronx, and Brooklyn?

There are two reasons. The first, is the fact that real estate prices are being pushed upwards as the East Village gentrifies. Those who will benefit from this gentrification — developers and construction companies — all give substantial contributions to City Council members and the Mayor. The second is that here were some of the most radical political people in the City. A true experiment in alternative living has taken shape in parts of the East Village. Squatters renovating dilapidated structures, residents retaking abandoned lots and converting them into public gardens and parks, a community bike shop, cultural diversity—the kinds of things that communities in this country have lacked since the erosion of inner cities and the rise of the suburbs after World War II.

Perhaps it is all best left to the literature of the squatters themselves: “You say we don’t want to work, but ultimately we have to, on restoring our buildings and at regular jobs. Who amongst you never felt frustrated by your daily work which profits a few? We want to work for something meaningful, for instance to keep housing affordable or to build community centers, workshops and gardens. Haven’t you ever dreamed about work like this?”

 


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